Security Council (Agenda Item-9)and Question of Equitable Representation

Statement by Ambassador Munir Akram, Permanent Representative of Pakistan to the United Nations, in the General Assembly on Report of the Security Council (Agenda Item-9) and Question of Equitable Representation on and Increase in the Membership of the Security Council and related matters (Agenda Item-111) (11 December 2006)

Mr. President,

1. I would like to thank Ambassador Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser of Qatar, Council’s current President for presenting the report of the Security Council (A/61/2). Qatar’s role in the Council is another example of the invaluable contribution that an elected member and a small country can make to its work.
2. Pakistan fully endorses the comprehensive statement made by the distinguished representative of Cuba on behalf of the Non-Aligned Movement. The concerns expressed by NAM include: double standards in the work of the Council; prolonged inaction and silence in some cases; quick resort to threat or authorization of sanctions and enforcement action on others; lack of coordination with other principal organs, and encroachment on their mandates; non-transparent and non-inclusive decision making, aggravated by the abuse of veto. We earnestly hope that the proposals advanced by the NAM will be considered seriously.

Mr. President

3. In recent years, the Council has had relative success in dealing with internal crises and complex emergencies, particularly in Africa. UN peacekeeping has significantly enlarged and evolved over the past decades into a vital tool in halting and ameliorating several conflicts – in Sierra Leone, Libera, Burundi. We hope such successes will be extended elsewhere. Pakistan takes pride in its role and contribution to these efforts as the largest troop contributor to UN peacekeeping operations.
4. Notwithstanding these successes, the Council has failed to deal effectively with peace-building and development. Without this, several success stories could regress to failure, as happened with Haiti. There are also several ongoing conflicts, especially in Asia and Africa, that continue to fester and where the Council is not always regarded as an honest broker due to one-sided decisions. In vast sections of public opinion, especially in the Islamic world, the Security Council is viewed as ineffective and partisan. It is widely believed that the Council is controlled by and acts on behalf of some permanent members and other major powers. It does not reflect the concerns and aspirations of the majority of the UN’s small and developing countries.
5. The Council is not dealing directly with some of the major conflicts and threats in international peace and security. The implementation of some resolutions is actively pursued; others are ignored. There is inaction even in the face of the most obvious acts of aggression, as we witnessed in Lebanon. On the other hand, there is pro-action, even interference, in the internal affairs of sovereign states, even where clearly there is no threat to international peace and security.
6. The provisions for pacific settlement of disputes remain grossly under-utilized. In contrast, there is a dangerous tendency to have recourse, too often and too soon, to measures under Chapter VII of the Charter, including sanctions and enforcement action. We hope the United Nations will not to be placed in a position to participate in the errors of intervention by inviting the “responsibility to protect”. The limits of the use of force have now been fully revealed.
7. Meanwhile the Council’s encroachment on the mandates and jurisdiction of other principal organs, especially the General Assembly, continues unchecked. This upsets the delicate balance envisaged under the Charter, thus jeopardizing the overall effectiveness of the UN system.
8. Despite recent efforts to improve transparency, much of the Council’s real work and decision-making takes place behind closed doors, often in exclusive conclaves, which exclude even the elected members of the Security Council. Often, the media is more informed than these members. And, most inequitably, the Member States directly concerned with a dispute or conflict are not allowed to participate in the Council’s deliberations, or even properly consulted. The Council’s Annual Report does not throw any light on the rationale and process of decision-making. Non-members hunt and gather information.
9. In the circumstances, it is not surprising that the UN Secretariat seems to be responsive only to the major powers. Indeed, the leadership of the principal departments of the Secretariat is considered as their heritage and right by some permanent members.

Mr. President,

10. It is quite evident, therefore, that a comprehensive reform of the Security Council is essential to provide it greater legitimacy and credibility.
11. The reform of the working methods of the Council is part and parcel of such a comprehensive reform. Pakistan supports the S-5 initiative. However, in our view, this does not go far enough to address some of the real issues I have mentioned.
12. Pakistan agrees that a comprehensive reform of the Council must cover the vital issue of the veto. It is now clear that the veto will not be surrendered or shared by the P-5. However, there may be ways to address it. The power of the veto is the power to block decisions. To equalize power, we could consider raising the proportional majority required for adoption of resolutions in an enlarged Council, e.g. increasing it from the present ratio of 3/5 to 2/3. In an enlarged Security Council, a higher ratio for approval of resolutions could provide its elected members, especially the developing countries, a greater possibility to influence the decision-making of the Council. It is not through permanent or long-term presence on the Security Council that the balance of power in the Council can be changed or challenged. It can happen by increasing the number and role of the elected members in the enlarged Council.
13. We agree that the composition of an enlarged Council should better reflect “current realities”. But current realities are complex. The changes of the past decades have not only created some large and emerging powers; there are also a number of middle-sized states, which play an equally important role in international and regional peace and security. There are furthermore a large number of small states, mostly developing countries, which can contribute significantly to the work of the Council e.g. Singapore and Qatar come readily to mind. The most tangible contribution to peace and security is not wealth, military power or population; it is determined by the degree of the commitment of a member state to the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter; its adherence to UN resolutions; its participation in UN peacekeeping; its willingness to have recourse to the pacific settlement of disputes. The best way to determine a state’s “qualifications” for the membership of the Security Council, whether more or less frequent, is through the democratic method of periodic elections by its peers, i.e. by this UN General Assembly on whose behalf the Security Council is supposed to act.

Mr. President,

14. Pakistan’s position is well known. It is reflected in the Uniting for Consensus draft resolution A/59/L.68. This is a most feasible and equitable proposal. Pakistan continues to believe that permanent membership for a few individual states will deny the opportunity for equitable representation to all other states. Thus, the smaller the expansion of the Council, the greater the need to find ways to ensure equitable representation for all states. An acceptable formula for rotation could provide the means for such equitable representation. Such rotation, combined with regional representation, may also offer possibilities for a fuller representation of countries members of various groups of states. We are not restricted to options A and B of the High-level Panel. The acceptability of the enlargement, and its nature, will depend considerably on (a) size of expansion; (b) methodology adopted to ensure the equitable representation of all groups of countries, including large, medium and small states.
15. The concept of long-term seats should not become a guise for permanent presence. However, Pakistan remains open to the idea of immediate re-election, whose modalities would need to be determined according to the size and structure of any model, while ensuring overall balanced representation of geographical groups and other sub-regional and political constituencies.

Mr. President

16. The Security Council, as is evident from its wide-ranging agenda, is increasingly assuming a larger role in the management of international relations. It is evident that all member states have a direct and vital interest in the work of the Security Council and its decision-making. Thus, all member states have an equally crucial stake in the reform of the Council. This is why it is essential that reform should be decided by consensus or the widest possible agreement. The key lesson of last year is that no proposal designed to serve the interest of a few individual states can expect to win the support of the required majority of member states. And, without consensus or the widest possible agreement, the prospects for ratification of any Charter amendment for the reform of the Council will remain dismal.
17. If we are to achieve consensus or widest possible agreement, all proponents shall need to review their positions and explore fresh ideas with flexibility and creativity. The Dinner Meeting hosted by President Musharraf of Pakistan and Prime Minister Prodi of Italy, along with other like-minded countries, on 20 September was designed to initiate the process of such fresh thinking and dialogue on Security Council reform. We were most encouraged by the positive and constructive response of all the participants at that meeting.
18. We can conduct further informal contacts and consultations in any appropriate fora where ideas and options can be freely explored and discussed. Seminars or retreats can be organized for such brainstorming and exploratory sessions. In such informal processes, we should seek to elaborate possible approaches to an equitable compromise solution. Various alternative models could be developed for consideration. This should be an open and inclusive process. We should avoid labels and groups. Restricted initiatives with partisan agendas will only divide us. Our efforts should be aimed at bridging, not creating, divides within the UN’s membership. We would be grateful to the President of the General Assembly if she could lead such a process. Pakistan is committed to participate constructively and to work together with all member states in a collective endeavour to achieve consensus.

* * * * * * * * * * *